Prepared by AMSR using the Archive
Introduction
This supplementary page preserves the rich archive material relating to the Conservative, Labour, and Liberal Democrat parties.
The AMSR archive contains extensive evidence on:
- party development
- electoral performance
- public attitudes
- leadership perceptions
- issue salience
However, it does not contain the ideological origins, foundational ideas, or current policy platforms required for full AQA coverage of the major parties.
For that reason, this material is presented separately from the main AQA Political Parties (3.1.2.3) resource. It stands as a historical supplement, offering valuable longitudinal insights into British party politics.
Contents
- Conservative Party: Archive Evidence
- Conservative Leadership: Margaret Thatcher (1989–1990)
- Labour Party: Archive Evidence
- Liberal Party / SDP / Alliance / Liberal Democrats: Archive Evidence
- Sources Used
- Summary
- APPENDIX: Extracts from AMSR Reports and links to full reports
1a Conservative Party: Archive Evidence
Post‑war prosperity and Conservative appeal Market Research Society Newsletter, Issue 196, July 1982
This retrospective analysis describes Britain’s transformation from the “drab controlled economy” of the immediate post‑war years to rising prosperity in the 1950s. New public services (schools, NHS) were “getting into their stride”, and material improvements were visible in everyday life. Harold Macmillan’s 1959 “never had it so good” election victory is framed as a product of this optimism.
Conservative recovery in 1963 NOP Political Bulletin, May 1963
A national survey showed a temporary Conservative recovery, attributed to:
- improving economic conditions
- early effects of the Budget
- favourable weather
However, the recovery was short‑lived: Conservatives were “soundly defeated” in local elections shortly afterwards.
Issue salience and party competition NOP Political Bulletin, December 1963
NOP asked voters which party had the best policies on eight major issues:
Conservatives led on:
- Education
- Nuclear Bomb
- Modernisation
- Foreign Affairs
Labour led on:
- Health
- Full Employment
- Cost of Living
- Housing
Labour’s strengths aligned with the issues voters considered most important — explaining its lead at the time.
Working‑class Conservatism and social change MRS Conference Papers, 35th Annual Conference, 1992
This paper explores why Labour lost elections despite manual workers being the largest class. It highlights:
- working‑class Conservatism
- traditional social deference
- “embourgeoisement” — early aspirational politics later associated with Thatcherism
These insights formed part of early academic work on Labour’s decline and Conservative resilience.
1b Conservative Leadership: Margaret Thatcher (1989-1990)
To mark the tenth anniversary of Margaret Thatcher’s premiership, NOP conducted a major study among “Thatcher’s Children” — young adults aged 16–25 who had grown up entirely under Conservative rule. The survey provides a rare insight into how a decade of Thatcherism shaped political attitudes among younger voters.
Key findings:
- Conservatives led Labour by 12 points among 16–25s (43% vs 31%), compared with a 9‑point lead among all adults.
- The Green Party scored 7% among young people — far higher than its typical 2% in national NOP polls.
- Regional patterns differed from the adult population:
- Conservatives led by 27% in the Midlands,
- and by 18% in the South, reversing the usual adult pattern.
- The Conservative lead was stronger among politically interested young people (14% vs 10%).
Expectations of a Labour victory were extremely low:
- Only 4% of young people thought Labour was “very likely” to win the next general election.
- Even among Labour voters, only 11% thought a Labour victory was “fairly likely”, while the same proportion thought it “not at all likely”.
- Over half (55%) believed a Labour victory was “not very” or “not at all” likely.
This polling captures a moment when Thatcherism appeared deeply embedded in the political consciousness of younger voters, shaping both party preference and expectations of political change.
Leadership Crisis and Calls for Resignation (1990) NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.80 (1990)
Following the Conservative defeat in the Mid‑Staffordshire by‑election, NOP conducted a national poll for the Independent on Sunday to assess public attitudes toward Margaret Thatcher’s leadership.
The results reveal the depth of the crisis:
- 61% of voters — including 37% of Conservatives — said Thatcher should resign before the next general election.
- Only 32% believed she should lead the party into the election.
When asked who should succeed her, the public’s preference was clear:
- Michael Heseltine was the overwhelming favourite (42%).
- Other potential successors trailed far behind:
- Geoffrey Howe (6%)
- Norman Tebbit (5%; 8% among Conservatives)
- John Major (4%)
A striking 32% of voters were undecided, reflecting both uncertainty and the intensity of the leadership turmoil.
This polling captures the moment when dissatisfaction with Thatcher’s leadership became a potent national force, contributing to the political conditions that led to her resignation later in 1990.
2 Labour Party: Archive Evidence
The rise of New Labour MRS Annual Conference, 1998
This extensive paper documents Labour’s transformation under Tony Blair:
- John Smith’s death and Blair’s election
- Clause IV reform
- strategic use of qualitative and quantitative research
- focus on C1/C2 floating voters
- marketing‑driven political strategy (“treating voters as customers”)
- Blair’s leadership image (“charismatic chairman”)
The early weeks of the 1997 government are described as “extraordinary verve and vigour”, with rapid policy initiatives and a modernising agenda.
Welfare to Work and the New Deal
The New Deal for young unemployed people was a key Labour pledge in 1997, funded by a windfall levy on privatised utilities.
Public attitudes to Labour’s NHS policies British Public Opinion, Issue 21.02, March 1998
Despite Labour’s historic association with the NHS, polling found:
- only 33% thought Labour had the best healthcare policies
- down from 47% at the 1997 election
- down from 63% in 1995
42% said “no party” had the best NHS policies — a warning sign for Labour.
Economic management under Labour British Public Opinion, Issue 21.10, December 1998
Half the public thought Labour had done a good job managing the economy, despite pessimism about future conditions.
Policy popularity ahead of the 2001 election British Public Opinion, Issue 24.03, June 2001
Polling showed strong support for several potential Labour policies:
- rail renationalisation (72%)
- NHS patients treated in private hospitals (69%)
- paid paternity leave (67%)
- fox hunting ban (57%)
- 50% tax rate for highest earners (57%)
This provides a snapshot of public attitudes during Labour’s second landslide victory.
3 Liberal Party / SDP / Alliance / Liberal Democrats: Archive Evidence
Leadership and recognition NOP Bulletin, 1967–1968
Polling showed low public recognition of Jeremy Thorpe when he became leader, though satisfaction among Liberal voters was high (76%).
Liberal revival and volatility NOP Political Bulletin, 1972–1973
Key findings:
- Liberal vote rose to 14% by late 1972
- Conservatives declining; Labour stable
- Liberals attracting ex‑Conservative voters
- dramatic surge in 1973 (27.6%), nearly overtaking Conservatives
This period mirrored the earlier 1961–62 Liberal revival.
Rise of the SDP and Alliance dynamics NOP Political, Social, Economic Review, Issue 32, 1981
Polling showed:
- Alliance support exceeded the combined support of Liberals + SDP
- Alliance attracted voters equally from Labour and Conservatives
- public appetite for a “National Government”‑style alternative
Coalition attitudes and question‑wording effects Political, Social, Economic Review, 1978
Two polls (NOP and MORI) produced contradictory results on coalition support due to differences in question wording — a valuable methodological insight.
Alliance turmoil and leadership recognition NOP Political, Social, Economic Review, Issue 66, 1987
Polling showed:
- David Steel’s satisfaction ratings fell after Alliance splits
- only 22% recognised Robert Maclennan as SDP leader
- even Alliance voters struggled to identify their own leader
Student voting behaviour NOP Political, Social, Economic Review, Issue 52, 1985
Among students:
- Labour was most popular
- SDP/Liberal Alliance second
- Conservatives third
This highlights demographic variation in party support.
The rise and fall of the SDP Peter Cooper, ESOMAR Conference, 1983
Qualitative research shows:
- SDP’s fluctuating fortunes
- appeal to moderate voters
- challenges posed by FPTP
- dynamics within the Alliance
This is complemented by the AMSR essay Researching the Others: Outside the Two‑Party System.
Sources used: See appendix
Summary
This supplementary page preserves valuable archive evidence on the major parties, offering: historical depth; longitudinal polling; insights into leadership, issue salience and electoral behaviour; context for the rise of minor parties
It complements the main AQA Political Parties (3.1.2.3) resource, which provides full coverage only for the minor parties (SNP, Plaid Cymru, Greens).
Actual extracts from the sources and links to the actual reports are contained in the following Appendix.
Appendix
The rise of the Conservative party
Study the return of the Conservative Party to power and the economic and social policies of the Conservative government.
The Market Research Society Newsletter Issue 196 1982 July
We had all come a long way from the drab controlled economy that had attended the early post war years and expectations were high about the improvements that most of us could see ahead, both in material and social well-being. Many of the public services that emerged post war, new schools, the National Health Service etc were getting into their stride and many of the material goodies that we have become totally accustomed to since as part and parcel of our lives were beginning to appear in the shops. And it was in fact only a few years later that Harold MacMillan was able to tell us we had never had it so good (1959 general election with landslide victory for Mr MacMillan). That material enhancement of our standard of living continued to increase and indeed for those who are at work is still increasing.
NOP Political Bulletin 1963 May
National Opinion Polls carried out one national survey of voting intentions in May 1963 which revealed a strong recovery in the fortunes of the Conservative party, the first real drop in Labour’s percentage of the vote this year and a halt in the Liberal’s steady decline. The improving economic situation, the early effects of the Budget and even perhaps the weather had restored some confidence in the Tories. But shortly after this poll, the Conservatives were soundly defeated in the local elections and even the committed Tory press seemed determined to make the results appear even blacker than they really were.
NOP Political Bulletin 1963 July
Political Bulletin 20-22 July 1963 showed a dramatic fall in Labour’s lead which fell from 18.7% to 8.3%. The second survey, at the very end of the month, showed a further decline in Labour’s lead which stood at 6.9%.The Liberal decline continued. The signing of the Test Ban Treaty came between the 2 polls and cannot be the principal reason for the Tory recovery. The improvement of the Tory position is probably the result of the improving economic situation, the additional spending power in people’s pockets and the continuing fall in unemployment.
Page 1. NOP Political Bulletin 1963 December Political Bulletin – December 1963
In the December 1963 survey, National Opinion Polls listed 8 important issues, and asked voters which party they thought had the best policies on each of them. If all electors are taken together, Conservative policies are more popular than Labour policies on Education, the Nuclear Bomb, the Modernisation of Britain and Foreign Affairs. Labour policies are more popular on Health, Full Employment, the Cost of Living and Housing. These differences are an important clue as to why Labour has a commanding lead. The policies for which Labour is preferred are very much the same as those which are thought to be most important (see Table 11, November Bulletin). Of the policies for which the Conservatives are preferred, only Education is of comparable importance. Almost half of all Labour voters gave as the most important “The Labour Party would do more for the working classes”. Only 10% of all Labour voters thought that the most important reason was that “The Labour Party has the best policy”.
NOP Political Bulletin 1964 November
We had all come a long way from the drab controlled economy that had attended the early post war years and expectations were high about the improvements that most of us could see ahead, both in material and social well-being. Many of the public services that emerged post war, new schools, the National Health Service etc were getting into their stride and many of the material goodies that we have become totally accustomed to since as part and parcel of our lives were beginning to appear in the shops. And it was in fact only a few years later that Harold MacMillan was able to tell us we had never had it so good (1959 general election with landslide victory for Mr MacMillan). That material enhancement of our standard of living continued to increase and indeed for those who are at work is still increasing.
MRS Conference Papers 35th Annual Conference 1992
Discussion of the significance of social class on British voting behaviour: Despite social class appearing to dominate British politics and manual workers were the largest class, it asks how was it that Labour lost elections? Indeed, in 1959, Labour lost its third election in a row. The Conservative party appeared better able to attract working class votes than Labour was to secure middle-class ones. It was the investigation of this paradox that gave rise to the first studies designed to address trends in the British party system, specifically Labour’s decline. Working class Conservatism is discussed, including impact of traditional social deference and ‘embourgeoisement’ (an early manifestation of Thatcherite philosophy).
Conservative Leadership: Margaret Thatcher (1989–1990)
NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.75 (1989)
NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.80 (1990)
The New Labour Party
MRS Conference Papers Annual Conference 1998 (part 1, pp 1-147 plus a paper revision inserted after p 84)
In May 1994, the political world was thrown into turmoil by the premature death of John Smith, the popular new Leader of the Opposition. Smith’s cautious approach was replaced by Tony Blair’s passion for his project: reinventing Labour in the mainstream, with particular focus on the troublesome Cl C2 floating voters identified by psephologists as the battleground in the forthcoming elections. Heeding the Fabian tract, one of Blair’s first dramatic moves was to reform Clause 4. Working closely with market research consultants as key members of his strategy building unit, Blair set about creating “New Labour”. Vital to the task was the continuous stream of qualitative and quantitative data, enabling the New Labour team to refine their message to the electorate, resulting in the modernising Britain theme underpinned by five specific pledges including promises on health, and education. The landslide victory on May 1 seemed to speak for itself.
The early weeks of the new government were characterised by extraordinary verve and vigour. No time was lost in effecting change as initiative followed initiative, first in the ambitious Queen’s Speech, then in the unexpected emergency budget. The Prime Minister, with his fresh approach and clarity of communication was the personification of this new era.
The groups saw New Labour as breaking the dominant codes of the Tory business world with its traditional cycle of:
- Money
- Power
- Authority
- Sleaze
New Labour is beginning to tap much more into the world of contemporary business, led by consumerism. Epitomised by:
- Treating voters as customers
- All about keeping ‘our’ custom
- Using the language and tools of marketing, eg.focus groups
- Selecting the policies that we want/ close to our heart/ easy hits ie. the tempting brands/ products to entice us in
- Attracting us via a simple and appealing brand image of Tony Blair as the charismatic chairman
A key policy commitment of the new government was its ‘Welfare to Work’ programme. The New Deal for young, unemployed people was one of the Labour Party’s ‘pledges’ at the time of the 1997 General Election. The ‘pledge’ was to ‘get 250,000 under 25-year-olds off benefit and into work by using money from a windfall levy on the privatised utilities.
British Public Opinion Issue 21.02 1998 March
The Labour Party is rightly proud of its role in founding the National Health Service half a century ago, and in recent years its commitment to maintaining and improving the Service has been its flagship electoral policy. But our survey for BBC Regional Broadcasting (see p.3-4), to mark fifty years of the NHS, has found Labour (despite still riding high in almost all other polling measures) with its lowest rating as best party on health care policies since Margaret Thatcher was first elected. Only a third of the British public (33%) chose Labour as having the best policies on healthcare, down from 47% at the time of the general election and from a peak of 63% in October 1995. Admittedly, there is no comfort for the other parties either: the Conservatives scored 13% and the Liberal Democrats just 11%. But 42% now say they ‘don’t know’ or that ‘no party’ has the best policies on healthcare. This should be worrying for Labour, that the policy area which for years has been their most cast-iron vote winner no longer promotes public enthusiasm for the party.
All the overall poll figures make it clear that Britain is still giving Tony Blair and his government the benefit of the doubt, and the lack of any effective opposition from the Tories makes it easier to do that. But can it last? Many of their policies are already risking alienating their natural constituency. The trade unions express dismay at the limited implementation of new union rights. Teachers seem unhappy with the direction of educational policy. The voters doubt that welfare-to-work reforms in the budget will really get the unemployed into jobs (See p 6). All of these are important policy areas. But none has the resonance of the National Health Service.
British Public Opinion Issue 21.10 1998 December
Half the public think the Government has done a good job since the election in managing the economy, with fewer than three in ten thinking it has done a bad job, a MORI survey for The Times has found, despite continuing public pessimism about the future economic condition of the country. (The Economic Optimism Index for November though sharply up on last month, is still very low at -31.) More agree than disagree (by 46% to 33%) that in the long term the government’s policies will improve the state of the economy.
British Public Opinion Issue 24.03 2001 June
On 7 June 2001, the general election returned the Labour party under Tony Blair to power in a landslide victory thereby securing a second consecutive term with a 167- seat majority. Labour won 412 seats, while the Conservatives won 166 and the Liberal Democrats 52. Turnout was low at 59%. In anticipation of this outcome, a poll gauged the popularity of some of the policies that a new Labour government might carry out (%Support/ %Oppose/ %Don’t Know):
- Bring railways back into public ownership (72/19/10)
- Have more NHS patients treated in private hospitals (69/25/6)
- Require companies to give fathers paid time off work after their children are born (67/29/4)
- Ban fox hunting (57/31/11)
- Increase income tax to 50% for highest earners (57/33/9)
- Let secondary schools select pupils who are good at certain subjects (45/43/12)
- Put up to £800 of taxpayers’ money into an account for every new born child. They would be able to spend this money as they like when they are 18 (38/53/9)
- Join the European Single Currency (27/58/15)
- Allow private companies to run state schools (23/62/14)
The Liberal Party
It is clear that Mr. Jeremy Thorpe has not made much impact on the electorate since he replaced Mr. Grimond at the beginning of the year. Only 39% of the voters, and only 44% of Liberals, know that Mr. Thorpe is the leader of the Liberal Party. It should be emphasized, however, that the survey in question was carried out immediately before the Liberal Assembly. Awareness of Mr. Thorpe maybe greater now.
NOP Bulletin 1968 October and NOP Bulletin 1968 September
Shortly before the Liberal Assembly, 46% of the electorate said they were satisfied with Mr. Thorpe as Liberal Leader, while 17% were dissatisfied. Among Liberal voters, Mr. Thorpe’s rating was a satisfactory 76% suggesting that Mr. Thorpe is a good deal more popular among his rank-and-file than Mr. Heath, though slightly less popular than Mr Wilson.
NOP Political Bulletin 1972 December
At the end of the year, the gap between the parties was not much different to that at the beginning of the year – 10% in Labour’s favour. The Liberal share of the vote had increased to about 14%, while other parties accounted for a further 2% of the vote. About the same proportion of the electorate was dissatisfied either with the Government or with Mr. Heath as had been in January. And now Mr. Wilson was not as popular. Uxbridge, a Conservative marginal seat in 1970, was held by the Tories against the national swing, with a rather low level of turnout. Sutton and Cheam out-Orpingtoned Orpington.
Commentators suggested that the two party system was too inflexible to stand up to the political changes within the electorate, leading to a resurgence of the Liberals and mounting pressure within the major parties from the extreme wings. But in many respects this situation is akin to that in 1961-62. Then the Liberals enjoyed heights of popularity not enjoyed since before the Second World War. The issues were similar in name then as they are now, though their public face and the way they are judged probably differs. Thus in December 1962 the voting intention figures were: Conservative 37.7%, Labour 44.3%, Liberal 17.3%, Others 0.7%. Also in December 1962 as many people were for Britain joining the Common Market as were against (44% for 44% against) a position not dissimilar to now.
What then for 1973? It seems possible that the Liberal party could increase their share of the vote as they did a decade ago, though not to the same extent, provided that a sufficient number of major issues are unfavourable to the Conservative party, and provided that the Labour party continue as they are at present. However it seems likely also that as then, this situation will not last. As compared with six years ago the electorate seems more cynical about the likely pay-offs of political action (see November 1972 Bulletin), and in such an atmosphere any middle-off-the-road political alternative may seem like the present two. Furthermore as the electorate as a whole becomes more changeable in its voting habits so support for any political party may ebb and flow rather more quickly than we have so far seen.
NOP Political Bulletin 1973 May
For the first six months of the new Government’s life in 1970, party support seemed fairly evenly balanced. In early 1971 Labour gained a 10% lead over the Conservatives and since that time the Labour party has been favoured by the largest proportion of the ‘voters’. During most of the past 2.5 years, Labour support has fluctuated around the 48-52% level, with few discernible long-term movements up or down, while the Conservative vote has been gradually declining. In particular the period since Spring 1972 shows a marked downward trend in the number of people who say they would vote Conservative. In contrast, the Liberal vote, which had been rising very slowly indeed before the Spring of 1972 has been increasing in size rather more rapidly in the past 6-8 months. The rise of the Liberal vote occurring at the same time as a fall in Conservative support suggests that there has been a fairly sizeable switch in support from the Conservative to the Liberal party. Labour support remaining fairly stable. Further evidence of ex-Conservative supporters now favouring the Liberal party is discovered when the voting intentions of the different social classes are examined. In February 1972, 68% of AB class voters supported the Conservative party and 10% the Liberals; the situation now is that only 52% of AB class electors claim that they would vote Conservative, while 24% support the Liberal party. A similar situation is found among C1 voters, but patterns of support among C2 and DE voters seem to have changed little in the past 15 months.
NOP Political Bulletin 1973 July/August
Since the last NOP opinion poll in June which reported a Labour lead of 4.6% over the Conservative party, there has been a considerable change in the party support of the British electorate. Support for both the Labour and Conservative parties has fallen. The Liberal party seems to have benefited considerably from the decline in support for the two major parties. The latest NOP poll shows that 41.7% of the electorate would vote Labour if there were a general election tomorrow, while 28.9% would vote Conservative and 27.6% Liberal. This is the highest level of Liberal support that NOP has recorded since May 1962. In terms of electoral support, the Liberal and Conservative parties are now running neck and neck.
It would seem that the present Liberal revival is the result of widespread dissatisfaction with both the Conservative and Labour parties. Amongst those electors who said they would vote Liberal if there was a general election tomorrow, only 24% were satisfied with the government, 27% were satisfied with Mr. Heath and 23% were satisfied with Mr. Wilson.
The Liberals are neck and neck with the Tories in public popularity. An astonishing National Opinion Poll shows today that if a General Election were held now, the voting would be: Labour, 41.7 per cent. Conservative, 28.9 per cent. Liberal, 27.6 per cent.
Labour, though they would not have an overall majority over the other two parties, would probably form a government. But Mr Jeremy Thorpe and his Liberals could have more than 100 MPs who would decisively influence politics. NOP has never recorded such a slump in ratings for a Conservative Government as has occurred in the last two months. At the same time Liberal support has doubled and is now at its highest since the party’s famous Orpington by-election victory in 1962 when it hit 33.4 per cent. The Liberals are grabbing votes, mainly Tory ones, so fast that on the point of passing the Conservatives in popular appeal.
NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.8 1976 October
Following the election of Mr. Steel as Leader of the Liberal Party, NOP asked electors whether they felt he would help or hinder his party. The questions were asked between July 13th – 18th, 1976. A quarter of the electorate (24%) felt his election was likely to increase support for the Liberals in the country and only 6% saw him as a potential vote loser. However, only 1% of electors said they themselves were now more likely to vote Liberal.
A much more serious problem is what has happened to all the Liberal voters of February and October 1974 who no longer claim that they would vote Liberal. In an attempt to answer this question, we asked respondents whether they have voted Liberal in either of the 1974 Elections or in the 1970 General Election. This type of questioning has methodological problems of recall and under-claiming. However, if one limits the objectives of the questioning to an analysis of the present voting intention of those who remember having voted Liberal at previous elections, these methodological problems are not so serious. The following table contains the results of this analysis.
As a generalisation three electors seemed to have “defected” from Liberal to Conservative for every two going to Labour. Only four out of every ten recent Liberal voters are still intending to support the party but amongst the bedrock support seven in ten (69%) of those who have voted Liberal in the last three elections are still intending to vote Liberal. Despite the clear loss of electoral support the survey analysis does indicate that 30% of those electors now intending to vote Liberal have not voted for the party at any of the last three elections.
Political Social Economic Review 1978 October
Voters say “Yes” to a Liberal Pact – or do they? An interesting example of the effect that question wording may have in political opinion polls arose early in September. Two polling organisations NOP, and its sister company, Market & Opinion Research International, were commissioned to undertake polls within a week of each other. Both questioned similar sized samples of the public on whether or not they would want the Liberals to form a pact with one of the two major parties if neither of the latter obtained an overall majority in a General Election. Yet the polls gave apparently contradictory answers: the NOP poll seemed to show that electors did want such a coalition; the MORI poll showed that they did not.
The NOP poll was undertaken for the Daily Mail, on the 6th and 7th of September. An inter-locking quota sample of 1,044 adults was interviewed in 54 Constituencies, and the poll found an overall lead for the Tories over Labour of 5%. After a number of questions on other topics, respondents were asked: “If the next General Election does not produce a clear majority for the Labour or Conservative parties, do you think the Liberals should form a coalition with one of them?” Answers were: Yes 56%, No 34%, Don’t know 10%. Those saying yes were further asked which party they would want the Liberals to form a coalition with: 27% of all respondents said Labour, 19% said Conservative, and 10% said they did not know. Thus the findings of this poll appeared to be that over half of all electors would want a coalition, although of these 18% have no clear idea as to who it should be with.
NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.32 1981 August
The first thing which becomes clear from looking at the results to this question is that the Alliance is greater than the sum of its parts – more people say they would vote for the Alliance than originally said they would vote for the Liberals or the SDP. The obvious conclusion is that the idea of an Alliance has attractions. This is quite plausible given that polls over the years have shown a considerable degree of support for a “National Government”, and it would seem that the Alliance is seen as a step in this direction.
One of the most important questions about the SDP/Liberal Alliance is where its support is coming from. Comparison of the results from the two different voting questions show very clearly that the Alliance is taking support almost equally from Conservative and Labour.
Political, Social, Economic Review 1982 February
NOP Survey – When it was first introduced the second voting question was intended to tap support for a possible Alliance. As it became increasingly clear that the SDP and the Liberals will fight the next election as an Alliance. Except in a few possible cases, people will not get the chance to choose between Liberal and the SDP.
NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.52 1985 February
A widely-held image of the student population of Great Britain is that of a group of radical, scruffy political agitators wasting their grants on anything but the purpose for which it was intended. In order to gauge the accuracy of these opinions, NOP conducted a quota survey of 614 students at 34 university sites on 14th December 1984, on behalf of the Mail on Sunday. A notable feature of the survey was how the voting intentions of the students interviewed showed significant differences from the figures for Great Britain as a whole. Within the student population, Labour is the most popular party by a substantial margin, with the SDP/Liberal Alliance attracting sufficient support to relegate the Conservatives to third place.
NOP Political, Social, Economic Review Issue no.66 1987 September
Whilst the Alliance is in a state of some turmoil, NOP have ceased to ask about satisfaction with the leader of the SDP, but the question on the Liberal leader is still asked. Mr Steel has clearly been harmed by the Alliance split, for his post-election rating, while constant over the three months, shows a major fall from the pre-election satisfaction level which was typically above 40%.
With the SDP/Liberal Alliance In a state of almost non-stop turmoil since the election there has been no shortage of media coverage. The transition of the SDP leadership from David Owen to Robert Maclennan was certainly well-covered, and yet a telephone poll of 1007 adults at the beginning of September showed that only 22% named Maclennan as the SDP leader – fewer than thought Dr Owen still was.
Even more disturbingly for Robert Maclennan, only one in three Alliance voters knew he was the SDP leader, with 23% naming David Owen and 40% admitting ignorance. This was again far below the recognition of the other party leaders among their non- supporters.
The Growth of the Social Democratic Party
The rise of the SDP was an interesting phenomenon at the time – and something we can learn from, given our two-party, first-past-the-post system. This is based on qualitative research undertaken by one of the leading qualitative researchers of the time, Peter Cooper:
See also this essay for a broader view of the Other Political parties: Researching the others: outside the two-party system – Page 3 – Research History – The AMSR Online Archive
Prepared by Phyllis Macfarlane with help from CoPilot
2026