Prepared by AMSR using the Archive

Comparing England, Scotland and Wales: Devolution, identity and political cultures (AMSR evidence)


 

1. Constitutional trajectories across the UK

The AMSR archive shows that the three nations of Great Britain followed distinct constitutional paths shaped by identity, political culture and public attitudes. These differences explain the UK’s asymmetrical devolution settlement.

England

  • No national Parliament.
  • Mixed support for regional assemblies (45% support; 38% oppose).
  • Scepticism about devolving tax and spending powers.
  • Regional variation in support for devolution (London +39; South East –10).
  • Weak regional identity in many areas (only 52% in Eastern region identified their correct government region).
  • Political culture shaped by institutional scepticism and uneven regional distinctiveness.

Archive sources: MORI British Public Opinion Newsletter, April 1999 MORI/Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust Survey, May 1995 (See Section 8 for links to sources)

Scotland

  • Strong, stable support for a Scottish Assembly since the 1970s (52% in 1976).
  • Clear constitutional preferences: Assembly → Parliament → increased powers → independence.
  • High political salience of national identity.
  • Long-term support for devo-max (2012 polling shows 61% want Scottish Government to raise most of its own revenue).
  • Political culture characterised by constitutional mobilisation and identity-driven politics.

Archive sources: NOP Review No. 9 (January 1977) NOP Review No. 18 (March 1979) MORI/Oxfam Scotland Polling (2012)

Wales

  • Moderate support for devolution; gradualist constitutional preferences.
  • Dual identity (Welsh and British) shaping attitudes.
  • Support for devolution present but less intense than in Scotland.
  • Political culture rooted in community, language and local governance rather than national constitutional mobilisation.
  • Support for incremental increases in powers rather than radical change.

Archive sources: MORI/Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust Survey, May 1995 MORI British Public Opinion Newsletter, April 1999


2. National identity and constitutional preferences

England

Identity is less politically mobilised. Regional identity is uneven and often weak. Constitutional preferences are shaped more by institutional trust and regional distinctiveness than by national identity.

Scotland

Identity is strong, politically salient and consistently linked to constitutional preferences. Support for devolution and later independence reflects a long-standing national narrative.

Wales

Identity is stable but dual. Constitutional preferences are gradualist and shaped by cultural and linguistic factors rather than constitutional mobilisation.


3. Regional political cultures

England

Political cultures vary sharply by region. Support for devolution is highest in areas with strong regional identity or economic distinctiveness (e.g., North East, London). Scepticism is strongest in regions with weaker identity or stronger ties to Westminster (e.g., South East, Eastern).

Scotland

Political culture is cohesive and identity-driven. Constitutional questions are central to political debate.

Wales

Political culture is community-centred and gradualist. Constitutional questions are present but less dominant.


4. Impact on the Government of the UK

The AMSR archive shows that differing political cultures and identities produced an asymmetrical constitutional structure:

  • Scotland gained a Parliament with primary legislative powers.
  • Wales gained an Assembly that evolved into a Parliament with expanding powers.
  • England did not gain a national Parliament and developed uneven regionalism instead.

This asymmetry continues to shape UK governance, intergovernmental relations and debates about constitutional reform.


5. Summary

  • Scotland: strong identity → strong devolution → sustained constitutional mobilisation.
  • Wales: dual identity → gradualist devolution → incremental constitutional change.
  • England: weaker regional identity → mixed support for regionalism → no national devolution.

These differences are consistent across AMSR polling from the 1970s to the 2010s and explain the distinct trajectories of devolution across Great Britain.

Prepared by Phyllis Macfarlane with help from CoPilot

2026

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