Public Attitudes to Devolution, Political Cultures & National Identity (AMSR evidence)
1. Scotland: Constitutional preferences and national identity
Early support for a Scottish Assembly (1976–1977)
The AMSR archive shows that Scottish support for devolution was already well-established in the mid-1970s. The MORI/ITN survey of December 1976, reported in NOP Review No. 9 (January 1977), found:
- 52% preferred a Scottish Assembly within Britain with substantial powers
- 22% preferred full independence
- Only 20% preferred no change
This is one of the earliest clear measures of Scottish constitutional preferences in the archive. It shows a strong appetite for self-government long before the creation of the Scottish Parliament.
Issue salience and political culture
The same 1976 survey found that Scots did not see devolution as the most pressing issue — unemployment (55%) and inflation (45%) ranked higher — but constitutional questions still appeared among the top concerns (17%). This indicates that Scottish political culture integrated constitutional identity with everyday economic concerns, rather than treating devolution as a purely symbolic issue.
Referendum context (1978–1979)
The NOP Review No. 18 (March 1979) provides polling around the Scotland Act 1978 referendum. Although the Act ultimately failed due to the 40% rule, the archive shows:
- A stable base of support for devolution
- A political culture increasingly shaped by dissatisfaction with Westminster’s handling of economic and industrial issues
- Growing constitutional consciousness
This period marks the consolidation of a distinct Scottish political culture, in which national identity and constitutional preferences became intertwined.
Long-Term trends: Independence and Devo-Max (2008–2012)
The MORI/Oxfam Scotland polling (2012) shows the evolution of Scottish attitudes:
- Support for independence fluctuated between 28% and 37%
- Support for remaining in the UK with increased powers (“devo-max”) was consistently higher
- 61% believed the Scottish Government should raise most of the money it spends
- 66% agreed that pro-Union campaigners should argue for more powers for Holyrood
These findings show that Scottish identity remained strong, but constitutional preferences were often gradualist: more powers first, independence as a longer-term possibility.
National identity and constitutional mobilisation
Across all AMSR Scottish polling (1976–2012), the pattern is consistent:
- Strong national identity
- Clear constitutional preferences
- High political salience of devolution
- A political culture comfortable with constitutional change
This contrasts sharply with England and explains why Scotland developed a robust national Parliament.
Archive citations: NOP Review No. 9 (January 1977); NOP Review No. 18 (March 1979); MORI/Oxfam Scotland Polling (2012); MORI British Public Opinion Newsletter, April 1999; MORI/Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust Survey, May 1995
Prepared by Phyllis Macfarlane with help from CoPilot
2026

